As a member and then chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, Helms approached American foreign policy with an iron fist, earning the moniker “Senator No” for his ability to block anything remotely resembling liberal ideas. At the same time, he was assiduous in advancing the issues he cared about. He may be the only member of Congress with a legislative assistant whose portfolio is listed in the Congressional Staff Directory as “Abortion, Family Issues, Welfare,” instead of the more euphemistic “Health and Human Services” favored by most members of Congress. Although his retirement at age 79 had been anticipated, nobody on Capitol Hill pretended to be close enough to Helms to know for sure. Watching this notoriously independent and cranky legislator get around on a motorized scooter fueled speculation that the end was nearing to his 30-year Senate career. His health was failing, and his wife, the indomitable “Miss Dot,” apparently cast the deciding vote. She wants him home with the grandkids.
Helms has been a thorn in the side for both Democrats and Republicans, and his leaving Congress is cause to rejoice for every political persuasion except the hard right. For those who take to the barricades to prevent abortion, gay rights, affirmative action and any lessening of the trade embargo with Cuba, this is a sad day. Unlike South Carolina Sen. Strom Thurmond, who made his peace with African-Americans and voted for the Voting Rights Act in 1982, Helms remained rooted in whites-only politics. He never voted for a civil-rights measure. “He represented North Carolina as though blacks were not voting,” says Merle Black, a professor of political science at Emory University. “He has always been a voice for nativist, white conservatives in North Carolina.”
First elected in 1972 as part of the cultural backlash against McGovernism, Helms never looked like a winner in the North Carolina polls in subsequent elections but always managed to pull out a narrow victory. “We forget how rural and small town most of the state is,” says Black. Cultural issues surrounding guns, abortion and race determine elections. Helms won huge landslides of white voters, more than 60 percent. “If he had dropped down to 59 percent, he would have lost,” says Black. “His style of politics gave him no slack.”
The hard-edged conservatism that Helms represents is out of style today, replaced by a sunnier ideology that sells better in the political marketplace. Alex Castellanos, who produced the negative ads that helped elect Helms, says, “He represents a style of conservatism that has succeeded. A lot of the ideas he advocated are now mainstream.”
The conservative makeover is evident in the GOP’s push to get Elizabeth Dole to run for Helms’ seat. Dole symbolizes moderation in both her politics and her personal style. In her presidential race last year, she was the only Republican to advocate gun control, a position that might hamper her among the Helms faithful in North Carolina. Her honeyed style of speaking is a sharp contrast to Helms’s gruff and cranky demeanor. Yet she is by far the strongest candidate for the Republicans. “She’s a rock star coming home,” says Castellanos. “Strong women tend to do well in American politics.”
In pure name recognition, Dole is a winner. But she has never had a statewide race; indeed, she has never been elected to anything. Friends say if she doesn’t run, they’ll be shocked. But if she wants to be seen as a formidable candidate, she better get in the race fast. Any hesitation will draw other Republicans into the primary, and then she’ll have a fight on her hands. Her presidential campaign was marked by missed opportunities-the result of indecision. What she needs now is decisive action, a firm yes, the sooner the better. “Her instinct is to defer and play by the rules,” says a friend. “She has to overcome the reluctant-debutante image.”
On the Democratic side, Secretary of State Elaine Marshall is the only declared candidate so far, and she is a strong contender. Unlike Dole, she has won in North Carolina, beating race-car legend Richard Petty, which Democratic consultant Jennifer Laszlo Misrahi compared to “running against Michael Jordan in Chicago.” The duties of a secretary of State vary among the states, and Marshall is no Katherine Harris. She does not run the state’s election machinery. Her assignment is improving North Carolina’s business climate to attract jobs and overseeing the state’s securities and banking industries.
The contest to succeed Helms will be one of the most watched races in the country. Democrats are so nervous about maintaining their control of the Senate that they are pressing former governor Jim Hunt to become a candidate. Hunt is revered in the state. “If he got in, he’d be the favorite over Dole,” says Black. But it’s not clear whether Hunt, now in his mid-60s, is enamored of the idea of commuting to Washington at his stage of life.
If the race comes down to Dole versus Marshall, Dole would be the better-known personality, but how she will perform on the campaign trail is open to question. Some Democrats took to the airwaves to point out that she hasn’t lived in the state for 40 years. But Democrats in their heart of hearts know that’s a losing line. Hillary Clinton never lived in New York, and that wasn’t a problem. Dole’s mother, who is in her 90s, lives in the state, and the dutiful daughter visits regularly.
Marshall has the advantage of a proven record in North Carolina. She started her career in politics as a state senator, and can point to legislation she helped pass that should appeal to women in particular-from lowering the blood-alcohol level for drunk driving to toughening the state’s rape laws. She is the first woman to get elected statewide in North Carolina.
Helms’s brand of conservatism is dead along with the vaunted Helms machine in North Carolina. But his impact on the GOP is enduring. Once thought of as a fringe Republican, he and others moved the party so far to the right that whoever succeeds him will have the burden of his legacy.
