Now that some of the luster is off President Bush’s image as a war leader, Carter’s words may prompt a long overdue debate on the value of continuing the U.S. economic stranglehold on the tiny island nation. Yes, Cuba is a communist country with a leader who suppresses dissent, but much the same can be said about China, North Korea and Vietnam; yet we recognize and maintain ties of varying degrees with each of those regimes. Bush is not alone in his paranoia about Cuba. We shouldn’t forget how craven Al Gore behaved during the 2000 presidential campaign when he sided with the Miami Cuban community in demanding Elian Gonzales be barred from returning to his father in Cuba.
The former president’s visit to Cuba is “so Carter,” says a one-time aide. Once Carter gets it into his head that he’s carrying the banner for human rights, he might as well still be president. There is no higher authority that can stop him. Former Clinton aides still cringe when they recall Carter freelancing an agreement with North Korea, or how the planes were in the air to launch an invasion of Haiti when Carter finally wangled a deal to peaceably return the democratically elected Jean-Bertrand Aristide to office. This streak of independence combined with an overbearing self-righteousness drives Washington policymakers crazy. Even when they agree with Carter, they find his approach mischievous.
Carter has always been a mixed blessing. Smart, principled and independent, he enjoyed major accomplishments as president, including a peace treaty between Israel and Egypt that endures today as a model of what can be accomplished with American intervention. But he also oversaw a disastrous rise in inflation and endured the humiliation of a failed hostage-rescue mission in Iran that together led to his defeat after a single term. In the years since he left Washington, Carter has built a reputation as a citizen statesman that far overshadows his time in office. His good works range from obliterating such scourges as guinea worm disease and river blindness in Africa to championing human rights and monitoring free elections in various outposts around the world.
A House Democrat who served in the Carter White House wonders why Carter felt compelled while he was on Cuban soil to challenge the Bush administration’s assertion that Cuba is developing bioterrorism weapons. Carter says he was never told in numerous briefings about any evidence to support the charge. “Why tell somebody something if they’re going to talk about it publicly?” says the former official.
Yet Carter’s breach of diplomatic ethics is minor compared to the positive implications of his visit. His speech, delivered in Spanish, was straightforward and tough in calling upon the Cubans to democratize. His presence on the island legitimized a petition drive by dissidents and gives them political cover as they move forward with their efforts. Fidel Castro presumably will think twice before cracking down knowing Carter is watching and can muster worldwide condemnation should that be required.
The Elian Gonzalez episode caused Americans around the country to reflect upon the political dynamics of U.S. policy toward Cuba. There is growing sentiment on Capitol Hill to repeal the travel ban and lift the trade embargo, and some small steps have been taken to allow a freer sale of agricultural products and medicine. A Cuba Working Group formed in the wake of the furor over Elian now boasts 20 Republicans and 20 Democrats in the House, but bringing any liberalizing measures to a vote in the GOP-controlled House is difficult because the Republican leadership sides with Bush in maintaining a hard line.
Carter’s visit has a better chance of triggering change in Cuba than here at home, where Bush is a slave to Florida politics. The Cuban-American community is critical to Jeb Bush’s re-election as governor of Florida this November. The White House let it be known that Bush was politely waiting for Carter to return home before announcing a new, tougher stance against Cuba in a speech in Miami. “I don’t expect him to do anything but try to help his brother, but on a national basis, the people aren’t with him anymore,” says California Democrat Rep. Sam Farr, a member of the Cuba Working Group. Polls show a majority of Americans favor lifting the trade embargo, and that a growing number of Cuban-Americans born in this country want to normalize relations, even if Castro remains in power.
The image of Carter throwing out the ceremonial first pitch at a Cuban baseball game symbolizes the positive feelings that exist between the two countries despite their tortured history. Representative Farr says that traveling to Cuba has become “the thing to do” for many Americans with disposable income. Farr has visited Cuba and met with Castro, and like Carter, gotten the red-carpet treatment. Latin leaders are famous for late meals, so visiting Americans invited for dinner with Castro don’t even show up at the palace until 9 o’clock in the evening. Then a round-table discussion commences where Castro holds forth in detail on everything from the Cuban high-school dropout rate to the number of chickens consumed in the country. By the time Castro is ready to move to a cocktail reception, several hours have passed. When Farr dined with the Cuban leader, they didn’t start eating until 1 in the morning.
It was 4:30 a.m. when Farr was making his way out of the palace and Castro pulled him aside for one final thought. “He wanted to know whether the Democrats would take back the House,” recalls Farr. “He follows American politics.” Democrats won’t be boasting that Castro is rooting for them to regain control of Congress, and even if they do, normalizing relations with Cuba will be impossible as long as Bush is in the White House. Still, Castro may not know it yet, but he took a risk in inviting Carter. The change in policy he hopes to spur could begin in Havana, not Washington.
